2008, ISBN: 9783110198645

Berlin ; New York, NY, Mouton de Gruyter, XIV, 382 S. Fadengehefteter Originalpappband. Einband leicht berieben. - This study shows that Scandinavian object shift and so-called A-scrambli… Mehr…

Berlin ; New York, NY, Mouton de Gruyter, XIV, 382 S. Fadengehefteter Originalpappband. Einband leicht berieben. - This study shows that Scandinavian object shift and so-called A-scrambling in the continental Germanic languages are the same, and aims at providing an account of the variation that we find with respect to this phenomenon by combining certain aspects of the Minimalist Program and Optimality Theory. More specifically, it is claimed that representations created by a simplified version of the computational system of human language CHL are evaluated in an optimality theoretic fashion by taking recourse to a very small set of output constraints. Preface and acknowledgements v Chapter 1 Derivations (MP) and Evaluations (OT) 1 1.1. Where MP and OT are similar: The architecture of syntax 2 1.1.1. Principles & Parameters Theory 4 1.1.2. Optimality Theory 16 1.1.3. Conclusion 23 1.2. Where MP and OT differ: derivations and evaluations 23 1.2.1. Universal properties of language (the generator) 24 1.2.2. Variation (the evaluator) 27 1.2.3. Conclusion 30 1.3. The derivation-and-evaluation framework 31 1.3.1. The generator 32 1.3.2. The evaluator 34 1.3.2.1. CHL constraints 35 1.3.2.2. The interface (PFand LF) constraints 41 1.3.3. Input and output of CHL 48 1.3.3.1. Is the input a numeration? 50 1.3.3.2. Is the output semantically restricted? 52 1.3.3.3. Conclusion 56 1.4. Summary Chapter 2 Short object shift 61 2.1. Object shift/scrambling is A-movement 61 2.1.1. Arguments supporting the hypothesis 62 2.1.2. Arguments against the hypothesis 64 2.2. Two types of object shift 71 2.3. The universal base hypothesis: VO or OV? 73 2.3.1. The Linear Correspondence Axiom and the Branching Constraint.73 2.3.2. The trigger problem 78 2.3.3. Complex verb constructions 80 2.3.3.1. Barbiers (2005) 2.3.3.2. Haider (2003;2005) 83 2.3.3.2.1. Haider's proposal 83 2.3.3.2.2. Comparison to the VO-approach 87 2.3.3.3. Conclusion 90 2.3.4. Evidence in favor of "short" object shift in English 90 2.3.5. Conclusion 96 2.4. Short object shift 96 2.4.1. Simple tense constructions 97 2.4.1.1. The Germanic VO-languages: {EPP(cp), EPP(v)} » *MOVE 97 2.4.1.2. The Germanic OV-languages: EPP(cp)» *MOVE» EPP(v) 100 2.4.1.3. A puzzle: the placement of VP-adjuncts 101 2.4.2. Perfect tense constructions 104 2.4.2.1. The Germanic VO-languages: the constraint EPP(Asp) 104 2.4.2.2. The Germanic OV-languages 105 2.4.2.3. The Germanic VO-languages again: the constraint H-COMPL 108 2.4.2.4. The ranking of H-COMPL in the Germanic OV-languages 109 2.4.2.5. Unifying EPP(v) and EPP(asp): *STRAY FEATURE 111 2.5. Conclusion 117 Chapter 3 Regular object shift 119 3.1. Holmberg's Generalization 121 3.1.1. Deriving HG from case theory 122 3.1.2. Deriving Holmberg's Generalization from Locality theory 123 3.1.2.1. The Minimal Link Condition 124 3.1.2.2. The MLC and object shift in embedded clauses in Dutch/German 129 3.1.2.3. The MLC does not block object shift in perfect tense constructions.. 132 3.1.2.4. Why the MLC cannot derive Holmberg's Generalization 135 3.1.2.4.1. Defective intervention effect 136 3.1.2.4.2. Agreement in Icelandic quirky subject constructions 138 3.1.2.4.3. Intervening datives in Dutch: the proper definition of closeness 141 3.1.2.4.4. Timing of feature elimination 144 3.1.2.4.5. More Icelandic agreement facts 146 3.1.2.4.6. The person constraint on the nominative argument 149 3.1.2.4.7. Defective intervention does not exist 152 3.1.2.5. Conclusion 152 3.1.3. Deriving HG from factors external to CHL 153 3.1.4. Conclusion 157 3.2. The restrictions on regular object shift 157 3.2.1. Object shift of DPs and pronouns 159 3.2.1.1. Type 1: languages without object shift 160 3.2.1.2. Type 2: languages with full object shift 3.2.1.3. Type 3: languages with pronoun shift only 162 3.2.1.4. A mixed type: optional pronoun shift 163 3.2.1.5. Conclusion 164 3.2.2. Object shift across the indirect object 165 3.2.2.1. Type 2: languages with full object shift 166 3.2.2.2. Type 3: languages with pronoun shift only 177 3.2.2.3. The mixed type: languages with optional pronoun shift 181 3.2.2.4. Concluding remarks 183 3.2.3. Object shift across the main verb 183 3.2.3.1. Type 1: languages without regular object shift 184 3.2.3.2. Type 2: languages with full object shift 185 3.2.3.3. Type 3: languages with pronoun shift only 188 3.2.3.4. The mixed type: optional object shift 189 3.2.4. Object shift across a verbal particle 190 3.3. Summary 199 Chapter 4 Object shift and other movement types 205 4.1. Object shift and verb movement 205 4.1.1. The Danish/Swedish verb movement puzzle 206 4.1.2. V-to-I in the Germanic languages 210 4.1.3. Solving the Danish/Swedish verb movement puzzle 213 4.2. Object shift and subject shift (A-movement) 216 4.2.1. Subject shift and the constraint EPP(case) 218 4.2.2. Subject shift and the constraint EPP(cp) 224 4.2.3. Subject shift and the constraint H-COMPL 229 4.2.4. Subject shift and the constraint RELMIN 234 4.2.5. Conclusion 237 4.3. Object shift and A'-movement 238 4.3.1. W/j-movement ("shortest steps") 239 4.3.2. Quantifier movement and Neg-movement 246 4.3.3. Topicalization 254 4.4. Conclusion Chapter 5 Predicate movement 263 5.1. The underlying assumptions 264 5.2. Locative inversion in English 268 5.2.1. Hoekstra & Mulder's analysis from an MP perspective 268 5.2.2. Locative inversion in the D&E framework 271 5.2.3. Fine-tuning the analysis 274 5.2.3.1. The Minimal Link Condition 5.2.3.2. Resultative constructions 278 5.2.3.3. Copular inversion constructions 281 5.2.3.4. Copular inversion and agreement 284 5.2.3.5. Predicate inversion and A'-movement of the postverbal subject... 286 5.2.3.6. Conclusion 287 5.2.4. Extending the analysis: VP-movement 288 5.2.5. Conclusion: three brief remarks 291 5.2.5.1. Present progressive tense (be V-ing) 292 5.2.5.2. Locative inversion and topicalization 295 5.2.5.3. Locative inversion and focus 299 5.3. Predicate movement in Dutch 300 5.3.1. Locative inversion in Dutch? 301 5.3.2. Predicate movement in Dutch 304 5.3.2.1. The placement of small clause predicates 305 5.3.2.1.1. The trigger 305 5.3.2.1.2. The constraint A-OVER-A 307 5.3.2.1.3. Why locative inversion is blocked in Dutch 313 5.3.2.1.4. Comparison of the placement of DPs and predicative phrases. 314 5.3.2.1.5. A final question 317 5.3.2.1.6. Conclusion 318 5.3.2.2. Extending the analysis: VP-movement 319 5.3.2.2.1. VP-movement in Dutch perfect tense constructions 319 5.3.2.2.2. The analysis of the perfect tense construction in the VO-languages 324 5.4. Verbal modifiers in Hungarian 325 5.4.1. Core data and previous analysis 326 5.4.2. What do the verbal modifiers have in common? 330 5.4.3. The distribution of verb modifiers and focused phrases 333 5.4.4. Conclusion 335 5.5. L-participle fronting in Bulgarian 336 5.5.1. Some properties of/-participles 337 5.5.2. Long /-participle fronting 337 5.5.3. Some speculations on short/-participle fronting 344 5.6. Conclusion 347 Chapter 6 Summary and conclusion 349 Appendix: Constraints used in this study 353 Bibliography 361 Subject index ISBN 9783110198645Germanistik [Deutsch] 2008, [PU: de Gruyter, Berlin/New York]<

2008, ISBN: 9783110198645

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2008, ISBN: 9783110198645

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